Federal farm spending is split between two fundamentally different ideas: paying farmers to produce crops (commodity subsidies) and paying farmers to protect the environment (conservation programs). The balance between them reveals our priorities β and our contradictions.
πΏ Conservation Programs
20 programs Β· Pays to protect land
πΎ Commodity Programs
10 programs Β· Pays to produce crops
How Conservation Works
The Conservation Reserve Program (CRP) is the largest conservation program, paying farmers annual rental payments to take environmentally sensitive land out of production. The idea is simple: some land is worth more to society as habitat, watershed protection, or carbon sink than as cropland.
Farmers who enroll in CRP sign 10- to 15-year contracts, agreeing to plant conservation cover β native grasses, trees, or pollinator habitat β instead of row crops. In return, the USDA pays an annual rental rate based on the soil productivity and local land values. With 6,762,791 payments totaling $18.59B, conservation represents a significant but shrinking share of total farm spending.
Other conservation programs include the Agricultural Conservation Easement Program (ACEP), which pays for permanent conservation easements on wetlands and farmland, and the Conservation Stewardship Program (CSP), which rewards farmers for maintaining existing conservation practices. Together, these programs form the environmental wing of the farm bill.
How Commodity Programs Work
Agriculture Risk Coverage (ARC) and Price Loss Coverage (PLC) are the main commodity programs. They pay farmers when crop prices or revenues fall below historical benchmarks. The intent is to smooth income volatility, but critics argue they primarily benefit large-scale commodity producers who could absorb market swings without taxpayer help.
ARC triggers payments when county-level revenue falls below a benchmark based on recent history. PLC triggers when national commodity prices drop below a fixed reference price. Farmers choose between the two programs for each commodity they grow, creating a complex web of coverage that the average taxpayer would struggle to navigate β let alone evaluate for cost-effectiveness.
Commodity programs distributed 11,639,817 payments averaging $2K each. Compared to conservation's average payment of $3K, commodity payments tend to be smaller on a per-payment basis β reflecting the larger scale of commodity farming operations.
The Philosophical Divide
At their core, these two categories represent fundamentally different views of what taxpayers should subsidize. Conservation programs say: "Some land shouldn't be farmed, and we'll pay you to leave it alone." Commodity programs say: "Keep producing, and if prices drop, we'll cover the difference."
One rewards restraint. The other rewards production. And therein lies the central tension of American farm policy. We simultaneously pay farmers to grow more corn and pay other farmers to stop growing anything at all. Whether this makes fiscal sense depends entirely on which philosophy you subscribe to.
π‘ The Contradiction
The USDA simultaneously funds CRP to take land out of production and commodity programs that incentivize maximum production. When commodity prices rise, farmers rush to exit CRP contracts and plant crops β undermining years of conservation investment.
Who Benefits from Each Approach?
Conservation programs tend to benefit landowners in areas with marginal cropland β the Great Plains, parts of the Southeast, and areas with high erosion risk. These tend to be smaller operations that can't compete with the corn-belt giants on commodity production.
Commodity programs, by contrast, flow heavily to the largest producers of corn, soybeans, wheat, rice, and cotton. As our subsidy concentration analysis shows, the top 10% of recipients collect the vast majority of commodity payments. A 10,000-acre corn operation in Iowa benefits far more from ARC/PLC than a 200-acre diversified farm in Vermont.
The Elephant in the Room: Emergency Spending
The conservation-vs-commodity debate, while important, has been overtaken by a third category: emergency and disaster spending. As our decade of disaster analysis shows, ad hoc emergency programs now dwarf both conservation and commodity spending combined.
This matters because emergency spending gets even less scrutiny than regular farm bill programs. At least CRP and ARC/PLC go through formal authorization and appropriation processes. Emergency programs are often created by executive action or supplemental appropriations with minimal debate about whether the money is well-targeted.
The Reform Opportunity
A growing number of policy analysts β from both the libertarian and environmental camps β argue that conservation programs deliver better bang for the buck than commodity subsidies. The logic: commodity programs subsidize operations that would largely survive without federal help (large-scale corn and soybean farms are profitable enterprises), while conservation programs fund public goods that the market wouldn't provide on its own (wildlife habitat, water quality, carbon sequestration).
But reform faces a fundamental political obstacle: commodity program beneficiaries are concentrated in politically powerful states, and they have well-funded lobbying operations. Conservation programs, by contrast, lack a natural constituency with the same political muscle. The result: every farm bill fight starts with commodity programs protected and conservation programs on the chopping block.
The Numbers Behind the Debate
Let's be specific about what each dollar buys. Conservation programs distributed 6,762,791 payments to landowners across the country, with an average payment of $3K. These payments typically cover annual rental costs for taking land out of production β a modest but steady income stream for participating landowners.
Commodity programs distributed 11,639,817 payments averaging $2K each. These payments activate only when prices or revenues fall below benchmarks, meaning they can be zero in good years and substantial in bad ones. The volatility of commodity payments makes them harder to budget and easier to hide in the overall numbers.
Together, conservation and commodity programs account for 12.6% and 16.6% of total farm spending respectively. The remaining majority goes to emergency, disaster, and other programs β a category that has exploded since 2018.
What Taxpayers Should Know
For taxpayers evaluating whether their money is well spent, the conservation-commodity comparison offers a useful lens. Conservation programs produce measurable environmental outcomes: acres of habitat restored, tons of erosion prevented, gallons of clean water preserved. These outcomes can be audited and quantified.
Commodity programs are harder to evaluate. They claim to support "food security" and "rural stability," but most economists agree that the United States would produce ample food without commodity subsidies. The programs primarily smooth income for producers of five major crops β crops that would be profitable in most years even without government support.
The uncomfortable question: if commodity farmers can survive without subsidies in most years, why are taxpayers paying them $24.46B over nine years? And if the answer is "insurance against bad years," why isn't the existing crop insurance system sufficient?
Historical Context
The conservation-commodity split dates back to the 1930s Dust Bowl, when the federal government first paid farmers to take eroded land out of production. The original Soil Bank program was genuinely needed β millions of acres of marginal land had been plowed up during World War I and the 1920s boom, creating the conditions for ecological catastrophe.
CRP, created in the 1985 Farm Bill, modernized this approach. Commodity programs have even deeper roots, stretching back to New Deal price supports in the 1930s. Both categories have evolved significantly, but their philosophical foundations haven't changed: one pays for environmental stewardship, the other for production.
Nearly a century later, the fundamental question remains the same: should taxpayers subsidize production of crops the market already incentivizes, or invest in environmental protection the market systematically underprovides?
The Bottom Line
The conservation-commodity split isn't just about money β it's about what kind of agriculture taxpayers want to support. One path leads to continued consolidation and commodity monocultures. The other invests in environmental resilience. Right now, the data shows we're choosing both, plus an ever-expanding emergency spending machine on top.
For more on how conservation fares in the current budget, see our CRP under threat analysis. For the full program breakdown, explore the programs page.
State-Level Differences
The conservation-commodity balance varies dramatically by state. Great Plains states like Kansas and Nebraska have high CRP enrollment because their marginal grasslands are ideal for conservation. Corn Belt states like Iowa and Illinois receive far more from commodity programs because nearly every acre is in row crop production.
This geographic pattern means the conservation-commodity debate is also a regional debate. States with more CRP acreage fight to protect conservation funding. States with more commodity acreage fight to protect ARC/PLC. The farm bill becomes a turf war between regions with fundamentally different agricultural landscapes and priorities.
See our state disparities analysis for the full geographic breakdown of farm subsidy spending.
π Explore the Data
See the full breakdown of all 157 programs on our Programs page, or explore what $147 billion could buy instead.